Evidence Pack: Does Building More Housing Actually Lower Rents?
A wave of rigorous new economic research confirms that building market-rate housing and eliminating single-family zoning significantly lowers rent growth. Data from major upzoning experiments in Auckland and Minneapolis proves that increasing housing supply is a highly effective tool for restoring urban affordability.
By Factlen Editorial Team
- Supply-Side Economists
- Argue that relaxing zoning and building market-rate housing is the primary mechanism to lower rents.
- Tenant Advocates
- Emphasize that market-rate construction doesn't immediately help the lowest-income renters and prioritize subsidized housing.
- Urban Planners
- Focus on the long-term structural and environmental benefits of zoning reform and missing-middle housing.
What's not represented
- · Local Homeowners Associations
- · Private Real Estate Developers
Why this matters
For years, local opposition to new construction has stalled development and worsened the housing crisis. This definitive evidence proves that building more homes is a highly effective way to lower rents, giving voters and policymakers a clear, proven roadmap to make their cities affordable again.
Key points
- Rigorous economic research confirms that building new market-rate housing lowers or moderates rents in the surrounding area.
- New luxury apartments trigger a filtering effect, freeing up older, more affordable units for lower-income renters within just a few years.
- Auckland's massive 2016 upzoning resulted in rents for three-bedroom homes dropping 26 to 33 percent compared to a no-reform scenario.
- Minneapolis eliminated single-family zoning and kept rent growth to just 1 percent over five years, while the rest of the state saw a 14 percent increase.
- While upzoning effectively moderates overall prices, experts agree it must be paired with subsidies to immediately house the lowest-income residents.
For decades, the solution to the housing affordability crisis seemed intuitively simple to economists: build more homes. Yet, as rents soared in major cities across the globe, a counter-narrative took hold among some residents and local politicians. This supply skepticism argued that new construction—particularly of luxury or market-rate apartments—actually induced demand, gentrified neighborhoods, and drove nearby rents even higher. It is a debate that has paralyzed city councils and stalled development. But over the past few years, a wave of rigorous empirical research has provided a definitive answer. The evidence is now overwhelmingly clear: building more housing, even at market rates, lowers rents and expands affordability.[1][6]
The most comprehensive look at this dynamic comes from the NYU Furman Center, which recently synthesized the latest economic literature on housing supply. Their findings dismantle the core fears of supply skeptics. Across multiple studies, researchers found that adding new housing supply leads to modest decreases in city-wide rents. More importantly, new construction actually moderates rents or slows rent growth in the immediate surrounding neighborhoods, rather than accelerating it. When developers build a new high-rise, it acts as a sponge, absorbing the high-income renters who would otherwise be bidding up the prices of older, existing apartments in the same area.[1]
One of the most fascinating mechanisms behind this rent moderation is a phenomenon economists call filtering or moving chains. For a long time, critics argued that building luxury apartments only helps the wealthy. However, a landmark study by the W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research tracked the address histories of residents moving into new market-rate buildings across twelve major U.S. cities. The researchers discovered a rapid domino effect. When a new luxury building opens, the people who move in leave behind slightly older apartments. The people who move into those apartments leave behind even older ones.[2]
The Upjohn Institute quantified this chain reaction with striking precision. They found that for every 100 new market-rate apartments built, the resulting moving chains open up the equivalent of 70 units in neighborhoods earning below the area's median income. Even more remarkably, 40 of those freed-up units are located in the poorest neighborhoods. Most of this cascading effect occurs within just three years. This proves that new high-end construction provides real, measurable relief to struggling renters by freeing up older housing stock much faster than previously assumed.[2][6]

Beyond the neighborhood level, researchers have also begun to measure the macroeconomic impact of city-wide zoning reforms. In 2016, Auckland, New Zealand, undertook one of the most ambitious housing experiments in the developed world. The city aggressively upzoned approximately three-quarters of its residential land, essentially legalizing medium-density housing like townhouses and apartments in areas previously restricted to single-family homes. The policy precipitated a massive boom in housing construction, fundamentally altering the city's real estate trajectory and providing a perfect natural experiment for economists.[3]
Six years after Auckland's reform, economists at the University of Auckland used a synthetic control method to evaluate the results. They compared Auckland's actual rents to a mathematically constructed version of the city that never implemented the upzoning. The results were staggering. Rents for three-bedroom family homes in Auckland were between 26 and 33 percent lower than they would have been without the zoning reform. This massive divergence provides some of the strongest empirical evidence to date that large-scale deregulation of housing supply directly translates to enhanced affordability.[3][7]

Six years after Auckland's reform, economists at the University of Auckland used a synthetic control method to evaluate the results.
A recent working paper from Motu Economic and Public Policy Research further validated Auckland's success, comprehensively reviewing the data and dispelling critiques that had circulated on social media and local blogs. The Motu researchers confirmed that the evidence from Auckland is remarkably robust and statistically sound. They concluded that zoning reforms definitively boosted housing supply and reduced rents across the board, providing a highly viable and tested template for other global cities grappling with persistent housing shortages and affordability crises.[7]
A similar success story is unfolding in the United States. In 2018, Minneapolis became the first major U.S. city to eliminate single-family zoning citywide through its Minneapolis 2040 plan. The city legalized duplexes and triplexes on lots formerly reserved for single-family homes, eliminated parking minimums, and allowed denser apartment construction along transit corridors. The goal was to dismantle exclusionary zoning laws and tame runaway housing costs.[4]
The data shows the Minneapolis plan is working exactly as intended. According to an analysis by the Pew Charitable Trusts, Minneapolis increased its housing stock by 12 percent between 2017 and 2022. During that same five-year period, rents in the city grew by a mere 1 percent. To put that in perspective, the rest of Minnesota added only 4 percent to its housing stock over the same timeframe, and saw rents surge by 14 percent. Despite experiencing similar population and household growth, Minneapolis successfully decoupled demand from price spikes simply by ensuring the availability of more homes.[4]

Other independent economic analyses of the Minneapolis 2040 plan have echoed these findings. Using synthetic control models similar to the Auckland study, researchers found that the reform significantly reduced the growth of housing costs over the subsequent five years. Home prices were estimated to be 16 to 34 percent lower, and rents 17.5 to 34 percent lower, than they would have been in a counterfactual scenario where the city never reformed its zoning. Interestingly, researchers noted that the price reductions were driven not just by the immediate physical supply of new homes, but by a softening of housing demand as market expectations shifted.[8]
However, the evidence also points to the limitations of upzoning as a standalone cure-all. While relaxing land-use regulations is highly effective at moderating overall market prices, it is not a silver bullet for immediate, deep affordability. A comprehensive study by the Urban Institute examined land-use reforms across over a thousand U.S. cities and found that upzoning was associated with a statistically significant, but modest, 0.8 percent increase in housing supply within three to nine years of passage.[5]
Crucially, the Urban Institute found no statistically significant evidence that additional lower-cost units became immediately available or less expensive in the years directly following the reforms. This highlights a vital nuance in the housing debate: while market-rate construction eventually filters down to lower-income brackets, the private market alone cannot rapidly produce housing affordable to those at the very bottom of the income distribution.[5]
This nuanced reality has forged a new consensus among housing policy experts. Upzoning and market-rate construction are absolutely necessary preconditions for a healthy housing market, but they are not sufficient on their own. To truly solve the housing crisis, cities must adopt a yes, and approach. They must aggressively remove barriers to market-rate construction to prevent middle-class residents from bidding up older stock, while simultaneously investing heavily in subsidized, deed-restricted affordable housing for the most vulnerable populations.[1][5]
The empirical evidence gathered over the last few years represents a paradigm shift in urban economics. The debate over whether supply matters is effectively over. From the moving chains of luxury apartments in major American metros to the sweeping zoning reforms of Auckland and Minneapolis, the data tells a consistent, hopeful story. By embracing housing abundance and dismantling restrictive zoning, cities have a proven, evidence-based pathway to restore affordability and build more inclusive communities.[6][7]
How we got here
2016
Auckland, New Zealand upzones approximately three-quarters of its residential land, sparking a construction boom.
2018
Minneapolis passes the 2040 Plan, becoming the first major U.S. city to eliminate single-family zoning citywide.
2019
The Upjohn Institute publishes landmark research proving the moving chains filtering effect of new construction.
2023
The NYU Furman Center releases a comprehensive review confirming that new housing supply lowers city-wide rents.
2024
Pew Charitable Trusts data reveals Minneapolis kept rent growth to 1% over five years, compared to 14% in the rest of the state.
Viewpoints in depth
Supply-Side Economists
Argue that relaxing zoning and building market-rate housing is the primary mechanism to lower rents.
This camp points to the overwhelming empirical evidence from cities like Auckland and Minneapolis, as well as moving chain studies, to argue that housing operates like any other market. When supply is artificially restricted by zoning laws, wealthy residents bid up the prices of older housing stock, displacing lower-income renters. By flooding the market with new construction—even at the luxury level—high-income demand is absorbed, which eventually filters down and reduces price pressure across all income brackets.
Tenant Advocates
Emphasize that market-rate construction doesn't immediately help the lowest-income renters and prioritize subsidized housing.
While acknowledging that supply matters, this perspective highlights the limitations of relying solely on private developers. They point to data showing that upzoning takes years to produce a significant increase in housing units, and that new market-rate buildings do not immediately create units affordable to those at the bottom of the income distribution. Consequently, they argue that zoning reform must be aggressively paired with rent stabilization, tenant protections, and massive public investments in deed-restricted affordable housing to prevent short-term displacement.
Urban Planners
Focus on the long-term structural and environmental benefits of zoning reform and missing-middle housing.
For urban planners, the push for upzoning extends beyond pure economics. They view the elimination of single-family zoning and parking minimums as a necessary correction to decades of exclusionary, auto-centric city design. By legalizing duplexes, triplexes, and transit-oriented apartment buildings, planners argue that cities can not only stabilize rents but also reduce carbon emissions, decrease commute times, and create more walkable, integrated, and sustainable communities.
What we don't know
- Exactly how long it takes for the filtering effect to reach the lowest-income renters in highly constrained markets.
- Whether the massive rent reductions seen in Auckland and Minneapolis can be perfectly replicated in older, denser coastal cities like New York or San Francisco.
- The long-term impact of upzoning on commercial real estate and local property tax revenues.
Key terms
- Upzoning
- Changing local regulations to allow for higher-density development, such as apartments or duplexes, on a given plot of land.
- Filtering
- The process by which older housing becomes more affordable as newer, more expensive housing is built and higher-income residents move out.
- Synthetic Control
- A statistical method used to evaluate policy by comparing a city that changed its laws to a mathematically constructed clone city that did not.
- Market-Rate Housing
- Apartments or homes priced at whatever the local real estate market will bear, without government subsidies or rent caps.
- Missing Middle Housing
- Multi-unit housing types such as duplexes, triplexes, and townhomes that fall between single-family homes and large apartment complexes.
Frequently asked
Does building luxury apartments raise rents for everyone else?
No. Recent studies show that new market-rate buildings actually lower rents in the immediate surrounding area by 5 to 7 percent by absorbing high-income demand.
How does building expensive housing help low-income renters?
Through a process called moving chains. When a high-income renter moves into a new luxury unit, they leave behind an older unit, which is then filled by someone else, eventually freeing up housing in lower-income neighborhoods.
Is upzoning enough to solve the housing crisis on its own?
While upzoning is highly effective at moderating overall rent growth, researchers agree it must be paired with dedicated affordable housing subsidies to immediately help the lowest-income residents.
Sources
[1]NYU Furman CenterSupply-Side Economists
Supply Skepticism Revisited
Read on NYU Furman Center →[2]W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment ResearchSupply-Side Economists
The Effect of New Market-Rate Housing Construction on the Low-Income Housing Market
Read on W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research →[3]University of AucklandSupply-Side Economists
The Impact of Upzoning on Housing Construction in Auckland
Read on University of Auckland →[4]Pew Charitable TrustsUrban Planners
Minneapolis Land Use Reforms Offer a Blueprint for Housing Affordability
Read on Pew Charitable Trusts →[5]Urban InstituteTenant Advocates
Land-Use Reforms and Housing Costs
Read on Urban Institute →[6]Factlen Editorial TeamUrban Planners
Synthesis by Factlen editorial team
Read on Factlen Editorial Team →[7]Motu Economic and Public Policy ResearchSupply-Side Economists
Dispelling myths: Reviewing the evidence on zoning reforms in Auckland
Read on Motu Economic and Public Policy Research →[8]Journal of the American Planning AssociationSupply-Side Economists
Expanding Affordable Middle Housing Options in Single-Family Neighborhoods
Read on Journal of the American Planning Association →
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